神戸大学附属図書館デジタルアーカイブ
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https://doi.org/10.24546/00038930
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2024-05-03
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00038930 (fulltext)
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00038930
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タイトル
インドネシアにおける 「イスラーム市民社会論」 の二大潮流
インドネシア ニオケル イスラーム シミン シャカイロン ノ ニダイ チョウリュウ
その他のタイトル
Two Streams of Islamic Civil Society Theories in Indonesia
著者
著者名
見市, 建
Miichi, Ken
ミイチ, ケン
所属機関名
神戸大学大学院国際協力研究科
収録物名
国際協力論集
巻(号)
8(2)
ページ
159-179
出版者
神戸大学大学院国際協力研究科
刊行日
2000-11
公開日
2007-05-28
抄録
This thesis tries to understand current Islamic politics and their ideology in Indonesia by analyzing “Islamic civil society" discourse. In order to understand Islamic politics, the author divided Indonesian Islamic political forces into two based on their ideologies, namely “Islamism" and nationalism. Islamism seeks the expansion and realization of Islam, and considers the “Islamic state" which enforces Islamic law as the ideal model. In contrast, nationalism in Indonesia idealizes a pluralistic and integrative “nation -state Indonesia." Mohammad Natsir as the Islamist and Soekarno as the nationalist in the 1940s and 1950s represented the two ideologies. Under Soeharto's New Order, Islamists had to compromise with the official nationalism enforced by the state. The state however used Islamism in order to control Islamic social forces. Nahdlatul Ulama (Awakening of Islamic Scholars, NU), which always stood between the Islamists and the secular nationalists, employed nationalism as its political ideology in the 1980s. The author considers NU to be the group of “nationalistic Muslims." The division of the two ideologies was not always solid, and they often penetrated each other. Islamism was continually eroded by the official nationalism under the Soeharto regime. There were some Islamic theologians like Nurchorish Madjid who compromised with nationalism and denied an “Islamic State" (“ Negara Islam") and sought a pluralistic Indonesia. Although most of the Islamists gave up the idea of establishing an “Islamic state ," many “fished" the new term “Islamic society" (“ masyarakat Islam") which promoted everything which could give Indonesia the flavor of an Islamic country. Then in the later half of the 1990s, they found a useful and “fashionable" term,“ civil society" (“ masyarakat madani"). They considered Madinah (Medina) society under the prophet Muhammad as the ideal city-state (society). Nurchorish Madjid extracted some pluralistic and democratic values from the constitution of Madinah and argued for the realization of these values in Indonesia. The Justice Party (Partai Keadilan) claimed to realize “masyarakat madani" too in the campaign for the 1999 election, but used the term very differently. Unlike Nurchorish Madjid, the Justice Party idealized the state which enforces Islamic law and called the head of state a caliph. It is important to note that “masyarakat madani" is “fashionable" only for the emerging pious Muslim middle class. Therefore mass -based parties like the Moon and Star Party (“ Partai Bulan Bintang”) did not use the term; although they also represented the Islamists. The civil society discourse revealed not only ideological cleavage but also emerging class cleavage in Indonesian Islamic politics. The “nationalistic Muslims" of Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) and their political party, the National Awakening Party, used the term civil society but in a very different way. They have never used the term “masyarakat madani" but “civil society" or “masyarakat sipil." NU does not seek the Islamic origin of their civil society, and criticizes the “masyarakat madani" as too Islamic and urban-centered. Moreover, NU, with the rural population as its base, uniquely includes rural society as a part of civil society. NU pursues the unity of “nation -state Indonesia" rather than the unity of the “Islamic community" (ummah). Contrary to the Islamists, NU distinguishes society from state. The former NU chairman Abdurrahman Wahid considered social associations as a“buffer zone" against the power of the state and the capital. This idea is similar to the concept of civil society generated in Eastern Europe rather than being an Islamic one. As shown in the civil society discourse, NU runs the middle path between the Islamists and the secular nationalists which made Abdurrahman Wahid elected as the fourth president of Indonesia. The author concludes that although the “Islamic civil society" discourse resembles the argument between Soekamo and Natsir in the 1940s, Indonesian Islam experienced fundamental change in its organizational and political shape.
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国際協力研究科
国際協力論集
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8巻
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8巻2号(2000-11)
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departmental bulletin paper
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Japanese (日本語)
ISSN
0919-8636
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AN10418744
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110000551574
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